The Maji Maji Rebellion
Pre-Rebellion Conditions
The first interest for
Germany in establishing a colony in East Africa came from Carl Peters who came
to East Africa in 1884. With the backing of the German East African Company,
they set up protectorates in the area through ‘treaties’ made with headman. The
trading company was forced out by the native peoples and replaced by an army
force led by Hermann von Wissmann, which assumed administrative control on
January 1, 1891. Resistance early in the German colony was difficult due to
lack of coordination between the tribes in the area.This did not mean that the
people of Tanganyika accepted the German rule. The Matumbi people felt like
they were allowing the Europeans into their country, and because of that they
should be the ones paying the people of Tanganyika. They consistently rejected
things such as taxation believing that they did not have any debt owed to the
Germans and that “we, who have for so long been used to govern ourselves, find
laws of these Germans very hard, especially the taxes because we black people
have not money, our wealth consists of millet, maize, oil, and groundnuts.”
Similarly, forced labor was another source of significant suffering under
colonial rule. Cotton had become an important cash crop for Europeans, but for
the people of Tanganyika it was not any way profitable as they were not
compensated for their work and were tortured through whippings. They believed
that it would be better to die than to suffer under the horrible conditions
they were living under while cultivating and harvesting cotton for the Germans.
A second reason for
the Maji Maji uprising was because the Europeans had placed Arabs from other
countries in the position of akidas, or native Africans or Arabs
who were chosen as district administrators, who had some level of control over
the people and “they began to seize people and reduce them to slavery; in fact
they practiced complete fraud and extortion and tortured them unjustly. “ In
1904 the prophet Kinjikitile arose. Through Njqiywila, or secret
communication, they were able to spread messages through the different tribes.
The message that was sent by the prophet was meant to unify the tribes and
included communications such as “This is a year of was, for there is a man at
Ngarambe who has been possessed—he has Lilungu, Why? Because we are suffering
like this and because…we are oppressed by the akidas. We work without payment.
There is an expert in Ngarambe to help us. How? There is Jumbe Hongo!”
The expert that they talked about was a medicine man who was gifted in Usinga
medicine. Upon word of a magic medicine, people began traveling to this
location in 1905. The medicine was believed to provide many benefits in terms
of health and a good harvest. It was also trusted to “give invulnerability,
acting in such a way that enemy bullets would fall from their targets like rain
drops from a greased body.” Kinjikitile had prepared the people for
war, but had instructed them to wait for his signal for the uprisings to begin.
However, the Matumbi people grew tired of enduring the injustices of their
“leaders” while they waited for the start of the rebellion. They took matters
into their own hands and incited anger from the Germans by uprooting cotton,
establishing themselves as the main group of people taking part in this rebellion.
And so the war began.
In debates summarized
by John Iliffe (1967) the question comes up as to how the people of Tanganyika
were able to organize for their uprising. Iliffe argues that it was possible
that they were able to do this through prior political and cultural groupings
and that alliances were formed as they had been in the past when faced with
emergencies. Other scholars have argued that Tanganyikans organized based on
their “sense of common grievance arising from the economic pressures of German
rule.” Finally, the aspect of religion was said to be a motivating force within
the organization for the rebellion. From the discussion they came to the
conclusion that organization may have started from a religious front with the
use of the magic medicine and prophets. However, this was not enough to sustain
the rebellion, which had to move more toward tribal organization. The unity that
was once established by the religious connection was severed resulting in the
movement losing some of its revolutionary character as they were no longer
fighting as a collective unit. This weakened Tanganyikans in the face of
European resistance as was seen through the rebellion.
REFERENCE
Iliffe, John. Tanganyika
under German Rule: 1905-1912. Nairobi: East African Publ. House, 1969.
Print.REFERENCE
Agnes Achitinao to Rev. C. C, Child, 14 March 1899 in Records of
the Maji Maji Rising: Part One Gwassa, G. C. K., G. C. K. Gwassa, and John Iliffe. Records of
the Maji Maji Rising: Part One. Nairobi: East African House, 1968. Print.
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Mzee Ambrose Ngombale Mwiru of Kipatimu, interviewed 8 Aug. 1967. in Records of the Maji Maji Rising: Part One Mzee Mdundule Mangaya of Kipatimu, interviewed 7 Aug. 1967. in Records of the Maji Maji Rising: Part One Bw. Also Abdallah Kapungu of Kibata, interviewed 23 Aug. 1967. in Records of the Maji Maji Rising: Part One Iliffe, John. 1967. “The Organization of the Maji Maji Rebellion”. The Journal of African History 8 . Cambridge University Press: 495–512. http://www.jstor.org/stable/179833. (495)
Iliffe, John. 1967. “The Organization of the Maji Maji Rebellion”. The Journal of African History 8 . Cambridge University Press: 495–512. http://www.jstor.org/stable/179833. (510)
Mzee Ambrose Ngombale Mwiru of Kipatimu, interviewed 8 Aug. 1967. in Records of the Maji Maji Rising: Part One Mzee Mdundule Mangaya of Kipatimu, interviewed 7 Aug. 1967. in Records of the Maji Maji Rising: Part One Bw. Also Abdallah Kapungu of Kibata, interviewed 23 Aug. 1967. in Records of the Maji Maji Rising: Part One Iliffe, John. 1967. “The Organization of the Maji Maji Rebellion”. The Journal of African History 8 . Cambridge University Press: 495–512. http://www.jstor.org/stable/179833. (495)
Iliffe, John. 1967. “The Organization of the Maji Maji Rebellion”. The Journal of African History 8 . Cambridge University Press: 495–512. http://www.jstor.org/stable/179833. (510)
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